My fellow Americans:
Michelle and I have been so touched by all the
well-wishes that we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight
-- tonight it’s my
turn to say thanks. Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at
all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms
and in schools; at farms, on factory floors; at diners and on distant
military outposts -- those conversations are what have kept me honest,
and kept me inspired, and kept me
going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better
President,
and you made me a better man.
So
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to
figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose to my life.
And it was
the neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church
groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets
where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working
people in the face of struggle and loss.
Audience Members: Four more years!
Four more years...!
President Obama: I can't do that.
Now, this is where I learned that
change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and
they come together to demand it.
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not
just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold
experiment in self-government. It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our
Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness. It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never
been self-executing; that we, the people, through the instrument of our
democracy, can form
a more perfect union.
What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave
to us: the freedom to chase our
individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination -- and the
imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and
purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose
republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that
makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees
across oceans and the Rio Grande. It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot.
It's what
powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha
Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from
Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
So -- So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our
nation's been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the
capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always
been hard; it's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two steps
forward, it often feels that we take one step back. But the long sweep of
America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our
founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great
recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of
job creation in our history, if I had told you that we would open up a
new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons
program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9/11, if I
had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right
to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- if
I had told you all that, you
might have said our sights were set a little too high.
But that’s what we did.
That’s what you did.
You were the change.
You
answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure,
America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy --
Audience Members: Boo....
President Obama: No, no, no, no, no.
The
peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the
next. I committed to President-elect Trump that my Administration would
ensure the smoothest possible transition,
just as President Bush did for
me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help
us meet the many challenges we still face.
We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet
those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest,
most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive,
our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and
reinvention means that the future should be ours.
But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works; only
if our politics better reflects the decency of the our people; only if all of
us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help
restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That’s what I want to focus on tonight: the state of our democracy.
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our Founders
argued, they
quarreled, eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew
that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity -- the idea that
for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we
rise or fall as one.
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity.
And the beginning of this century has been one of
those times: a shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change,
and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven’t just tested our
security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet
these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate
our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.
To begin with, our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic
opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home
values, and retirement accounts are all rising again; poverty is falling
again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock
market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low.
The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are
rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said -- and I
mean it -- if anyone can put
together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve
made to our health care system -- that covers as many people at less cost
-- I will publicly support it. Because that, after all, is why we serve
-- not to score points or take credit, but to make people’s lives better.
But, for all the real progress that we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our
economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the
expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get
into the middle class. That's the economic argument, but stark inequality is also
corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top one percent has
amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families, in inner
cities and in rural counties, have been left behind: the laid-off factory
worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by
and struggling to pay the
bills -- convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their
government only serves the interests of the powerful. That's a recipe for more
cynicism and polarization in our politics.
And there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our
trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic
dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless
pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact -- to guarantee all our kids
the education they need; to -- to give workers the power to unionize for
better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live
now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and
individuals who reap the most from this new economy don’t avoid their
obligations to the country that’s made their very success possible.
We can
argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent
about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all
people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will
only sharpen in years to come.
There’s a second threat to our democracy -- and this one is as old as our nation
itself. After my election, there was talk of a "post-racial America."
And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race
remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now I’ve lived
long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10
or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. You can see it not just in statistics.
You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But we’re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.
If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and undeserving minority, then workers
of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy
withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we're unwilling
to invest
in the children of immigrants just because they don’t look like us, we
will diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids
will represent a larger and larger share of America’s workforce. And
we have shown that our economy
doesn’t have to be a
zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all
races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So, if we're going to be serious about race, going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring,
and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. That
is what
our Constitution and our highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be
enough. Hearts must change. They won't change overnight.
Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change, but if our democracy is to work
the way it should in this
increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice
of a great character in American fiction -- Atticus Finch, who
said “You never really understand a person until you consider things
from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in
it.”1
For blacks and other minority groups, that
means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges
that a lot of people in this country face -- not only the refugee, or
the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also
the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got
advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and
technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen.
For white Americans, it means
acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly
vanish in the '60s -- that when minority groups voice discontent,
they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political
correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding
special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised.
For native-born Americans -- For
native-born Americans it means
reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were
said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles --
who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of
America. And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence
of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and
this nation was strengthened.
So regardless of the station that we
occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise
that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we
do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their
children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
And that's not easy to do. For too many of
us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our
neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or
especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us
and share the same political outlook and never challenge our
assumptions. And the rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and
regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for
every taste -- all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even
inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we
start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits
our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out
there. And this trend represents a third threat
to our democracy.
But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our
democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize
different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without
some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new
information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair
point, and that science and reason matter -- then we're going to keep
talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise
impossible.
And isn't that part of what so often makes
politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when
we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're
cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our
own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not
just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's
self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way
of catching up with you.
Take the challenge of climate change. In
just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've
doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that
has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our
children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change.
They'll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters,
more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now, we -- we can and should argue about the
best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not
only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this
country -- the essential spirit of innovation and practical
problem-solving that guided our Founders.
It is that spirit -- It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic
powerhouse -- the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape
Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every
pocket.
It’s that spirit -- a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy
of right over might -- that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and
tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a
post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just
on military power or national affiliations but built on principles --
the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and
assembly, and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics who
claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals
who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself
as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is
more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear
of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a
contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an
intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the
gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of
what’s true and what’s right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform,
because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats
who support our troops, no foreign terrorist organization has
successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past
eight years. And although
Boston and
Orlando and
San Bernardino and
Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law
enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have
taken out tens of thousands of terrorists --
including bin Laden. The
global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders,
and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and
no one who threatens America will ever be safe.
And to all who serve, or have served, it has been the honor of my
lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt
of gratitude.
But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our
military. Democracy can buckle when it gives in to fear. So just as
we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we
must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
And that’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight
against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended
torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance
to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject
discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we
are.
That’s why -- That's why we cannot withdraw -- That's why we cannot
withdraw from big global fights -- to expand
democracy, and human rights, and women’s rights, and LGBT rights. No
matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such
values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight
against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of
a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist
aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law
shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between
nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent
people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our
Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or
China cannot match our influence around the world, unless we give up
what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country
that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy -- Our democracy is threatened whenever
we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party,
should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic
institutions. When voting rates in America are some of
the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier,
not harder, to vote. When -- When trust in our institutions is
low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics,
and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public
service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our
congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common
sense and not rigid extremes.
But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on
our participation, on each of us accepting the responsibility of
citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be
swinging.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just
a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give
it power. We, the people, give it meaning -- with our
participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that
we forge; whether or not we stand up for our freedoms; whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to
us.
America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to
freedom are not assured.
In his own
farewell address, George Washington
wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety,
prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different
quarters much pains will be taken, [many artifices employed] to weaken
in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to
preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.
America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to
become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to
enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with
whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent.
We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than
others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt; and
when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our
own role in electing them.
It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our
democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually
try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our
outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the
most important office in a democracy: "citizen."
Citizen.
So, you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just
when there’s an election; not just when your own narrow interest is at
stake; but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing
with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real
life. If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes
and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your
elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for
office yourself.
Show up.
Dive in.Stay at it.
Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a
reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there
will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those
of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it
up close, let me tell you: It can energize and inspire. And more
often than not, your faith in America, and in Americans, will be
confirmed.
Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve
seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military
officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for
answers, and
found
grace in a Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed
man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points
were given up for dead walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers
rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.
I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and
through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or
work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other.
So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in
the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change -- that faith has
been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope
your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you
were there with us
in 2004, in
2008,
2012;
maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let
me tell you, you're not the only ones.
Michelle -- Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side: For the
-- For the past
25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you
have been my best friend. You took on a role you didn't ask for. And
you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good
humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.
And a
new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role
model. So, you have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.
Malia and Sasha: Under the strangest of circumstances you have become
two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful. But more
importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of
passion. And yo wore the burden of years
in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am
most proud to be your dad.
To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's
favorite son: You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it
was the best; not just because you have been a great Vice President, but
because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like
family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.
To my remarkable staff: For eight years -- and for some of you, a
whole lot more -- I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried
to reflect back what you displayed: heart, and character, and idealism.
I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new
journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating,
you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded
against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than
all the good that we’ve done is the thought of all the amazing things
that you’re going to achieve from here.
And to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an
unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every
volunteer
who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the
first
time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change:
You are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for,
and I will be forever grateful. Because you did change the
world. You did.
And that’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about
this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only
helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans,
especially so many young people out there, to believe that you can
make a difference, to hitch your wagon to something
bigger than yourselves.
Let me tell you, this generation coming up -- unselfish, altruistic,
creative, patriotic, I’ve seen you in every corner of the country.
You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. You know
that constant change has been America’s hallmark; that it's not
something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to
carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber
all of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.
My fellow Americans:
It has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as
a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are
young or whether you're young at heart, I do have one final ask of you
as your President -- the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me
eight years ago:
I'm asking you to believe.
Not in my ability to bring
about change -- but in yours.
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit
sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign
battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every
American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.
Yes We Did! Yes We Can!
Thank you.
God bless you.
And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
(Source: Americanrhetoric.com/Youtube)
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